We lived Days in Hell, Civilians Perspective on the Conflict in Yemen

Finding a New Approach to Peace Talks in Yemen

Governance is the Key to Fighting IS in Yemen

Rethinking Yemen’s Security: Why Stabilizing Yemen Must Start in Aden

Yemen: A View from Mareb

The Enemy of My Enemy is Al-Qaeda

Assessment on Informal Actors, Community, and the State in West Yemen

Informal Actors, Community and the State in Yemen

Justice in Transition in Yemen: A mapping of 10 governorates

Justice in Transition in Yemen

Tribes and AQAP in South Yemen

Women and Conflict in Al-Jawf- Case Studies

Case Studies on Women and Conflict in Tribal Yemen

Al-Jawf

Nadwa Al-Dawsari

April 19, 2014

Introduction:

Women in tribal areas in Yemen are often portrayed in the mainstream media as weak, voiceless and victims of tribal traditions that suppress and discriminate against them. Very little effort has been done to explore the role women play and the influence they have on their communities, particularly in relation to conflict. An assessment that was conducted by Partners Yemen demonstrated that women are not always passive actors in conflict, but can play roles as instigators of conflict or peacemakers. Many women are active in resolving conflicts within their families and communities, and on rare occasions respected older women may intervene in violent disputes. The Partners’ assessment concluded that women’s role in conflict can be significant, both exacerbating and mitigating conflict[1].

The following case studies will examine the role of women in peacemaking in Aljawf governorate through the stories and experience of some local women leaders. The purpose of this exercise is to trigger questions and analyses that would hopefully inspire programs that could enhance the role of women in conflict resolution and peacebuilding in tribal areas in Yemen.

Background:

With a population of about 577,000, Aljwaf is one of the 21 governorates of Yemen located in Northeast of the capital city of Sanaa. With twelve districts, it extends over the Empty Quarter to the boarders with Saudi Arabia and occupies about 7.2% of Yemen’s land. It is one of the poorest and most isolated areas in the country where, according to the 2007 Yemen Poverty Assessment, between 40 and 60 percent of the population are poor.[2]In addition, over 83% of the local population are illiterate.[3] Those who visit Aljawf describe it as an area that still lives in the stone ages. The main urban center in the governorate, Alhazm, for example doesn’t have any hotels or restaurants. People still rely almost exclusively on grazing and agriculture for income. 

Aljawf is among the Northern governorates that have strong tribal traditions.  Tribal Customary law is the main system that handles disputes. However, increase in conflicts and lack of development among other factors put the system under tremendous stress. Corruption, poverty, unemployment, competition over water and resources, as well as a lack of resources for education and a shortage of teachers were named as some of the root causes of conflict in the community[4]. In some areas, tribal conflicts caused the closure of schools and hence deprived students of education for many years.[5] In recent years, the governorate witnessed violent clashes between local tribes and Huthi rebels.[6] There are no functioning courts in the governorates and the only two courts are limited to notarizing marriage certificates and other paper work.[7]  The absence of a robust formal judicial system and the erosion of existing tribal conflict resolution traditions led to an increase in conflict which embedded most development efforts in the governorate.

Women and Conflict:

Unlike the perception, women in Aljawf do have influence over decisions that affect their lives such as marriage and divorce. A girl’s consent is necessary before marriage. Culturally it is not only acceptable but common for a woman to leave her husband if she so chooses, and her family and tribe will usually support her decision. A man who holds his wife against her will be accused of committing a “black shame” among tribes.  “It is very normal in al-Jawf. If a woman doesn’t want a man anymore, she can simply dump him”, said Sayyedah Alghanemyah, a prominent female tribal leader in Aljawf[8]. Although the culture has been influenced by conservative religious education imported from Saudi Arabia over the past two decades, most women seem to still enjoy respect and influence in their communities.

Evidence show that women play a role, both negative and positive, in conflicts. Women sometimes instigate conflicts by pushing their male relatives to take revenge. “They will talk” is a local saying in Mareb indicating that a man will be the focus of women’s gossip if he fails to take revenge and as a consequence he will be labeled a “dishonorable” man. However, women seem to be more actively involved in resolving conflicts than in instigating them. Although women do not take the position of direct mediators or arbitrators, they are sometimes able to influence tribal leaders who carry that responsibility as well as the parties to the conflict or those who have influence over them.

Through leveraging tribal rules that give women access, protection, influence and respect, some women managed to mitigate violent conflicts. A woman can influence an arbitration process by cutting a piece of her hair and taking it to the arbitrator. This is an indication that she has a demand and a good arbitrator and tribesman would honor the demand of a woman in that context.

In tribal traditions, it is considered a “black shame” to harm a woman or a man who is accompanying a woman; hence, women have an ability to move in and out of conflict zones without being targeted. If harmed, the blood money of a woman can be up to forty-four times the blood money of a man. Because of this women often play a role in providing supplies and in some cases they have evacuated injured fighters.

Case Study 1: Fatima ended a family dispute:

Context:

A misunderstanding between Ali Mejwer and his brother Mohammed Mejwer had escalated to the extent that Ali had abandoned his tribe and sought refuge with another tribe. It is said that there was no particular cause for the dispute but that it was caused by women with their gossip and encouragement of hostilities between the two brothers. The fracture in the family relationship went beyond just the two brothers. Ali’s son, Saleh, was married to Mohammed’s daughter and had 5 children with her. The relationship was prone to problems and members of the tribe thought it was likely to break up if the conflict between the parents continued. The young couple had already begun to argue because of it.

In Aljwaf and in tribal areas, family ties are very important and so it was unusual to see family members breaking apart like this. Family members usually live in the same community, if not the same house. Family and tribal ties are critical to the solidarity and union of the tribe and hence its status and influence among other tribes. Many prominent men quickly intervened to try to resolve the conflict, but with no luck.

Intervention:

Fatima Muhsen, early 50s, is Ali’s ex-wife and Saleh’s mother.  She was alarmed by the developing dispute between the two brothers. Her son told her that things had reached a dead-end with his father who refused any mediation to reconcile with his brother. Fatima knew that if the situation continued to escalate it would affect her son’s marriage so she decided to do something about it.

Fatima didn’t want to go to Ali before making sure Mohammed was on board for a solution to the conflict. Mohammed agreed that he would be happy to welcome his brother back to the family and reconcile with him. After that Fatima, along with Saleh, visited Ali in his new home. “I came to you tallabah with a demand. I swear I am not leaving your house until you agree to reconcile with your brother and go back to your home”, said Fatima. What Fatima said is an expression used in tribal areas that speaks to tribal values of generosity, hospitality and honor. An honorable tribesman should honor the request of his guest especially if that guest is a woman. In this case it was Ali’s ex wife and the mother of his son. To forgive and compromise is considered an important demonstration of hospitality. “You are so precious. I would give away all my children[9]”, said Ali, an expression that indicates that he was honoring Fatima’s demand at any cost. Fatima then sent her son to bring Mohammed to Ali’s house. The two brothers reconciled in her presence and Ali moved back to his original home with his tribe. Because of her intervention, the conflict was resolved after about one and half years of dispute.

Fatima has a long experience in resolving family and community conflicts. She leveraged on the privileges that tribal traditions give to guests and women and utilized that to put pressure on Ali to end the dispute with his brother and convince him to return to his home tribe. The fact that she is related to the men and that she is the mother of Ali’s son gave her an additional influence.

Case Study 2: Aaliah stopped violent clashes between tribes and government forces: 

Context:

In 1998, there was a conflict between the government and the Aljedaan tribe. The Aljedaan tribal area extends from Mareb governorate to the boarders of Aljawf governorate. Armed clashes erupted between government forces and the Aljedaan tribesmen.[10]  A military backup was sent from Alhazm, the main town in Alajwf, to help the government forces. As the backup convoy passed by Arrawdh town, some armed men from Arrawdh fired bullets into the air. The soldiers in the military convoy who did not know much about the geography of the tribes there thought the Aljedaan were trying to ambush them and as a response they fired back not only with guns but with heavy weapons at Arrawdh. Tribesmen fired back killing two soldiers and the clashes intensified.

Intervention:

Aaliah Ali Khaled Ben Shutaif, is an older woman in her tribe, the Alfuqman of Arrawdh town in Aljawf. Aaliah was known for her courage.  She descends from a well-known sheikhly family and she is the sister of Mohammed ben Khaled ben Shutaif, a tribal leader respected not only in Aljawf but also in all tribal areas in Yemen. “She used to ride horses and she has a sword”, said her nephew Ali Alajji.

When clashes between Alfoqman and government forces intensified, she decided to do something about it. Aaliah went to the conflict zone to stop the clashes. Tribesmen from her town tribe tried to stop her but she was determined.  Carrying a bottle of water, she walked towards the soldiers. Her tribesmen had to stop firing because they were afraid they might shoot her by mistake. Government forces also stopped firing because they saw a woman coming towards them. She offered water to the soldiers. “My sons, there is a mistake here”, she said to the soldiers. She explained to the soldiers that the few bullets that were shot in the air and triggered the clashes were not aimed at attacking the soldiers. She told them that it is not Aljedaan tribesmen who are firing but rather Alfuqman tribesmen and that Alfuqman tribesmen fired back because the soldiers attacked them.

Aaliah discovered that two soldiers were already killed. She spoke to the other soldiers and convinced them that she would stop her men from firing and that Alfuqman sheikhs would deal with the problem of the soldiers who were killed once the clashes stopped. She went back to her tribesmen and told them to stop firing at the soldiers. “They have two casualties. We have to fix this”, she told her tribesmen.

Aaliah’s effort helped eliminate the misunderstanding about the situation which led to the violence. She also managed to stop the violent clashes and open a window for tribal mediation. The situation would very likely have escalated with more people killed had Aaliah not intervened.

Aaliah took advantage of the protection that tribal tradition extends to women during conflict. Her descent from a prominent sheikhly family also gave her more leverage over her tribesmen which she used.

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Case Study 3: Wardah and Fatima lead an effort to prevent a tribal conflict:  

Context:

In 2010, President Saleh allocated a monthly stipend to the sheikhs of Alajji family to show appreciation for their efforts to facilitate government work and guarantee government vehicles safety on the main road.[11]

The Aal Atiq subtribe were upset that the president did not allocate a similar stipend for them or at least a share of the Aal Alajji’s stipend. To pressure the government, they started blocking the main road to prevent any government vehicle or group from entering the governorate. They even appointed their own sheikhs and announced that they were rejecting the leadership of Sheikh Mohammed Alajji, who is the sheikh of the area. The situation intensified and tension started building. A group of influential tribal leaders from the area tried to intervene to convince Aal Atiq to lift the checkpoint that blocked the main road but with no luck.

Intervention:

Fatima Shajerah and Wardah Mejwer are two women who took part in the leadership program on conflict-sensitive development organized by Partners Yemen in 2010. During the program they learned conflict management and mediation skills to complement traditional skills. As part of the program, they were to conduct similar trainings for local leaders in their areas. The road block by Aal Atiq tribesmen started while they were preparing for the local trainings. Fatima, who originally comes from Mareb, didn’t like seeing the road block every time she travelled to Aljawf. The two women decided to do something about this conflict. They knew they had no chance to do anything directly but they were also aware that they could mobilize certain individuals who have influence and who could potentially resolve the situation. The two women intentionally included some men from Aal Atiq and other influential local leaders in the training. Abdullah ben Ali Atiq, from Aal Atiq, took part in the training and shared some of his personal experience in conflict resolution with others.

Fatima and Wardah took a two-way approach to this; Fatima had a conversation with Abdullah Atiq to try to convince his tribesmen to end the roadblock. On the other hand, Wardah talked to Hamad Shutaif, a local leader and local council member who also took part in the training, to encourage him to intervene to resolve the problem. As a local council member, Shutaif had good access to the governor’s office. He led an effort with some local leaders and met with the governor. Simultaneously, Abdullah Atiq who was very eager to engage in conflict resolution after the training, managed to convince leaders from his subtribe to agree to the mediation effort led by Shutaif. Negotiations took place in the presence of the governor of Aljawf who promised to allocate some jobs for the Aal Atiq family and that ended the road blockage.

Both Fatima and Wardah took advantage of being in the public sphere and used some social and political influence techniques to bring different actors who they thought could influence the main conflict parties, Aal Atiq and the government. First, they identified the conflict party that is causing the conflict, Aal Atiq. Then they targeted one of the influential men in Aal Atiq in the training and worked with him to influence his tribesmen. At the same time, they also identified and approach a local council member who they knew had the potential to initiate a negotiation process with Aal Atiq and resolve the conflict.

Conclusion:

These case studies illustrate the fact that, contrary to the perception, women can play a significant role in conflict. The question remaining is how this understanding can be reflected in conflict programming that targets tribal areas in Yemen? How can conflict resolution practitioners approach the issue of integrating women’s role in conflict resolution activities while remaining sensitive to the social and cultural dynamics? Women can work to facilitate and advocate for peace. They can mobilize and put pressure on men and community leaders to address existing conflicts. In addition, they can raise awareness about the devastating impact of conflict on development. While an in depth assessment is needed to come up with viable options to include women in conflict resolution and development programs in general, a first step would be to engage them in the design and implementation of these programs.

References:

·      Email interview with Ali Saeed, local civil society leader from Aljawf, July 9, 2013

• Interview with Sheikh Ali Alajji, governorate council member in Aljawf, Sanaa, January 20, 2012, Sanaa.
• Group interview with women involved in resolving conflicts in Alkhalaq district, October 29,2011, Aljawf.
• Interview with Fatima Muhsen, female elder who is involved in resolving conflicts in her community, October 29, 2011, Aljawf.
• Interview with Sayyedah Alghanemiyah, female tribal leader, November, 2009, ALajwf

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[1] PDCI and Partner Yemen, 2011, “Conflict assessment: Mareb, Aljawf, Shabwa and Albaidha”. 

[2] See “Yemen Poverty Assessment”, The Government of Yemen, The World Bank and The United Nations Development Program, 2007, http://www.undp.org.ye/reports/Volume_I_Main_Report.pdf

[3] Government of Yemen, Ministry of Education Adult Literacy Program, 2009, National report. Can be found at http://www.unesco.org/fileadmin/MULTIMEDIA/INSTITUTES/UIL/confintea/pdf/National_Reports/Arab%20States/Yemen.pdf

[4] PDCI and Partner Yemen, 2011, “Conflict assessment: Mareb, Aljawf, Shabwa and Albaidha”. 

[5] “Interview with Abdulhameed Aamer”, Marebpress-Arabic, 2008 http://marebpress.net/mobile/articles.php?id=3709&lng=arabic

[6] Huthis is a Shiite rebel group that revolted against President Saleh regime in 2004 and subsequently the government launched 6 wars against them between 2004 and 2010.

[7] Email interview with Ali Saeed, July 9, 2013

[8] An interview the author did with Sayyedah Alghanemiyah, 2009. Female leaders

[9] عليتي اجيب عيالي كلهم

[10] This paper is not concerned with the details of the conflict between Aljedaan and the government.

[11] Although this allocation was outside the formal system, it was a common practice by the government to reward tribal leaders who protect government interests in the area.

Tribal Conflict Resolution in Action

Tribal Conflict Resolution in Action
Nadwa Al-Dawsari

April 11, 2014

Interpretation of tribal arbitration language and Protocol to Arabic provided by Abdulhakeem Al-Ofairi, an expert on tribes and tribal customary law.

1. General Background

Tribal Conflict resolution traditions include mediation and arbitration.  The mediators’ role is to stop violent clashes or potential ones. To prevent the dispute from escalating, they talk to conflict sides and convince them to resolve it either through direct negotiation or through arbitration. If the conflict becomes violent, mediators would rush into the middle of the fighting zone carrying white flags. Warring tribes would stop the clashes and talk to the mediators.  That is the rule according to customary law. Mediators would then convince conflict parties to establish an immediate truce (usually 8 days) and choose an arbitrator or arbitrators.

Arbitration takes different steps and stages; each has a certain protocol and a level of details and sophistication. Usually, conflict parties agree on an arbitrator or arbitrators who then study the evidence, listen to conflict parties together and in separate caucuses, and then issue a verdict. There is a well-established appeals process if one of the conflict sides is not happy with the verdict. Conflict parties’ preapproval of the arbitrator/s is a must.

2. The Culture of Apology:

The culture of apology is rooted in tribal customary law and conflict resolution traditions. The video below along with the transcript and explanation presents a type of arbitration in which one side of the conflict chooses the other side as the arbitrator. This demonstrates a culture of apology and willingness to go as far as required to end the conflict and establish peace beyond that. It is because of these traditions that most conflicts in tribal areas in Yemen did not blow up into full-scale wars.

The video presents a real tribal arbitration process in which a tribe from Marib offers apology and amends to a tribe from Albaidha after a tribesman from Albaidha was killed in the territory of the tribe from Marib. Whether the man was killed by a tribesman or tribesmen from the Marib tribe is not relevant. What matter is that he was killed within the territory of the Marib tribe and that the tribe failed to prevent that from happening. In tribal traditions, each tribe is responsible for protecting people and animals within its territory and that extends to travelers who cross a tribe’s land.

To keep it simple and easy to follow, the names of tribes will not be mentioned. The tribe from Marib will be referred to as the Marib tribe and the tribe from Albaidha will be referred to as the Albaidha tribe.

3. General description of the arbitration process in the video:

April 5^th, 2014, a delegation of armed tribesmen led by tribal sheikhs from Marib drove down and settled in a piece of land within the territory of the victim’s tribe in Albaidha governorate. As much as it appears to be so, this is not a sign of aggression. It is far from it. It is rather a demonstration of apology and a kind request by Marib tribesmen to be hosted by Albaidha tribe. This tradition aims at appealing to the tribal traditions of hospitality. Marib tribesmen came with a request and an honorable tribe, in this case the Albaidha tribe, would honor that request. Marib tribe’s request is for Albaidha tribe to agree to be the arbitrators and state whatever amends they want to resolve the conflict that resulted from the killing of their tribesman in Marib tribe’s territory.

3. Transcript of the Arbitration protocol and language as shown on video:

Stage 1: Hospitality Requested and Approved:  

·      Albaidha tribesmen come to the site where Marib tribesmen have landed.

·      Marib tribesmen form a line next to each other and Albaidha tribesmen formed a line next to each other facing Marib tribesmen.

·      The prominent sheikhs of the Marib delegation walk a few steps forward. The following conversation takes place:

Marib sheikh: Assalam Alaikum (peace be upon you). Peace is our greeting

Albaidha prominent sheikh: Marhaba (welcome here). Greeting is not enough. We will shake hands with you. You are our guests and we will attend to you.

Tribesmen shake hands. This is accompanied by gunfire to celebrate Albaidha tribe’s acceptance to host Marib tribesmen. The handshaking continues for about 2 minutes.

The following dialogue follows:

Albaidha sheikh: Welcoming you. What is the news?

Marib sheikh: You will bring the news (meaning what you decide will be the news that matters to us)

Albaidha sheikh: All will be good (this is a message of reassurance).

Stage 2: Offering the Apology and Amends:

Tribesmen from Marib put 10 guns on the ground. Then their sheikh tops that up with an additional gun and keys of 2 cars. This is called A’dal which symbolizes a commitment to accept any amends required by Albaidha tribe to resolve the situation.

Marib Sheikh: Peace be upon the prophet. This is to request your arbitration. Our request from you is to save us with a verdict.

Then he introduces another prominent sheikh called Ali Muhsen ben Ghuraib

Albaidha men: Great man (referring to sheikh ben Ghuraib)

Sheikh ben Ghuraib: We came along with all those men from our area. We seek the blessings of your faces (meaning we seek your blessing). Whatever pleases you will not upset us. We are staying in this spot and we will not leave until you welcome us and answer our request to save us today. Peace on you.

Tribesmen from Marib sit on the ground to indicate they are not leaving until their request is honored.

Stage 3: Apology and Arbitration Request Approved:

Albaidha Sheikh: We welcome you and we will honor your request. Stand up (meaning that you don’t need to sit any longer because your request has been approved)

The sheikh of Baidha and his men take the 11 guns and keys of the two cars. This indicate acceptance of the Marib tribes apology and the arbitration request.

This effort led to a final resolution of the conflict on the same day. The family of the victim from Albaidha tribe pardoned the Marib tribe. The verdict included a 140 million Yemeni Rials as amends for committing a “shameful act”. This was reduced to YR 35 million to extend further hospitality from Albaidha tribe to their guests.[1]

4. Links to the Video:

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LiRgwzEYTiI

http://www.msader-ye.net/index.php?no=13543&ac=vd

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[1] Albaidha Online (Arabic), “A delegation from Marib reaches Albaidha seeking arbitration from Aal Asharaf…”, April 5^th, 2014, http://albaidaonline.com/index.php?page=news&news_id=8234 

Doing Conflict-Sensitive Development in Yemen

Assessment on Tribal Conflicts in Yemen

Marib Youth and Political Transition in Yemen

Marib Youth and Political Transition in Yemen

Over the past few years, Marib, a tribal area 120km northeast of Sana'a, has made the headlines for all the wrong reasons. It has allegedly been a staging ground for al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) operations targeting security and military personnel as well as oil pipelines. When the popular protests started in early 2011 demanding the removal of then-President Ali Abdullah Saleh from power, Marib was the source of frequent attacks on oil pipelines and the main power plant, leading to severe shortages in electricity and fuel supply throughout the country until today. But these security threats overshadowed a nascent and active youth movement.

Early on in Yemen’s transition, Maribi youth led a vibrant and increasingly thriving campaign of civic activist. During the popular protests in 2011 and 2012, Maribis established a tent in Marib city from which they organized civic education sessions, social media activities, and regular protests. Maribi youth joined other protesters from all over the country in Sana'a's Change Square. Coming from well-armed tribes where they are considered tribal warriors, their participation in peaceful protests came as a surprise to many activists.

Following the ouster of former president Saleh in November 2011, Maribi youth seized the opportunity to actively engage in the transitional process and bring attention to the issues facing their communities. In September 2012, dozens of young activists from Marib's main tribes and administrative districts announced the Marib Cause Initiative. In August 2013, another group of young Maribis established the Sheba Movement (al-Harak al-Saba’ie), another youth movement with the purpose of expanding advocacy and mobilizing efforts initiated by the Marib Cause.

Both youth-led movements demand that a percentage of oil and gas revenues go towards the most needed development projects in their province. As one of two primary sources for crude oil in the country and hosting the largest gas deposit (in use since 2005), the Yemeni government draws 75 percent of its budget from Marib. Power lines feed the Dhahban power plant, the main source of electricity for Sana'a and other major cities in Yemen. Despite its natural energy resources, however, Marib lacks basic services.

Until 2012, only two of Marib’s fourteen districts received enough electricity to power their homes for most of the day. After 2012, the new Marib governor’s efforts provided electricity to another four districts using generators. Large parts of those districts, however, remain without electricity. Most people have no access to health or education services with the only university in the province currently closed. Unemployment, poverty, illiteracy, and increasing conflict characterize a place that was once the home of the great civilization of Sheba. Unchecked extraction by oil companies affect ground water, agriculture production, and cause health problems in local communities. Marib's large concentration of military and security forces are largely perceived as corrupt and ineffective. Continued marginalization of Maribis has led to grievances that consequently contribute to sabotage and insecurity.

“Marib has been ignored by the government for more than five decades. They look at us as inferior to them. The political elite in Sana'a care only about oil and less about the people of Marib,” says Ahmed Azzayedi, a young activist named by the youth movement and prominent civil society organizations as a prominent youth leader in Marib for 2013. Maribis have no place in top government positions. There are no ministers or ambassadors from Marib for example. “There are well educated and experienced Maribis but the government and oil companies hire people from outside the provinces,” says Nasser Mohtam, head of media for the Sheba Harak. Local citizens suspect the oil and gas revenue from their province goes to the pockets of power-brokers in Sana'a and to the development of other parts of the country while Yemeni officials continue to ignore Marib and deprive residents of basic services.

Since the political transition process began in late 2011, the Marib Cause Initiative organized more than thirty rallies in Sana'a addressing the cabinet, the National Dialogue, and oil and gas companies that operate in the province. They mobilized influential tribal leaders and social figures in their areas. In May 2013, they gathered hundreds of tribesmen—including prominent tribal leaders, parliamentarians, local political party representatives, and local government figures—for a conference in al-Saheel, a commonly recognized tribal sanctuary and conflict-free zone. During the conference, participants agreed on key advocacy issues to be addressed at the national level on behalf of Marib. A week later, the group organized a follow-up three day conference in the capital city of Sana'a in which they came up with a vision and a list of clear and well-articulated demands that was handed to the National Dialogue Conference (NDC).

The results of the national dialogue were disappointing, according to Hassan Azzayedi, spokesperson for the Marib Cause. “The National Dialogue Conference failed to incorporate our vision and demands. Despite our effort to reach out to them, they chose to ignore us”, said Hassan. As a result, both the Marib Cause and the Sheba Movement announced their escalation plan. In November 2013, they jointly issued a “Final Warning” statement and held a protest at the Safer National Oil Company and the Yemen Liquid Gas Company in Sana'a, naming them the “thieves who took everything and gave nothing back.”

At a January 2014 conference in Marib city, the Marib Cause Initiative and the Sheba Harak established what they call Alfaza’a Asha’abiya (popular uprising) and formed a joint committee to represent them. The conference produced a statement of twenty-two points demanding fair political representation, a share of the oil revenues for development, environmental protection, and education opportunities for Maribis.

After three years of constant organizing, lobbying, and mobilizing, the activists succeeded in getting a meeting with the President Abdrabbo Mansour Hadi to articulate their demands. More than 200 political party representatives and tribal leaders from the province joined the meeting. The youth felt that political party representatives intentionally dominated the discussion, resulting in few tangible gains. “We wanted to at least be able to interact with the president or ask him questions but we were not allowed,” says Mohammed ben Jalal, the Marib Cause representative. In retaliation, some leaders of the Cause and Harak deployed armed youth in Marib to prevent gas trucks from reaching Sana'a. “We hate to do that but unfortunately this is the only way to get the government to listen and deliver,” says Mahdi Balgheith, a member of the youth movement. A fair number of the Cause members, however, were not on board. “Our movement is peaceful. Blocking roads and disrupting gas trucks movement is not,” says Adel Assalahi, a founding member of the Cause. The escalation, however, paid off. The president formed a sixteen-member committee to address Cause and Harak concerns. But almost a month after the committee's inception, the youth still struggle to meet with its members. “This only tell us that the government is not serious about addressing our grievances,” says Ben Jalal.

Young people in Marib have grown independent, strong, and increasingly frustrated by what they call systematic neglect. They do not trust the government or political party representatives—some of whom are prominent tribal leaders from their province. They also believe, like many Yemenis, that officials use presidential committees to brush aside important issues. As their patience grows thin, young Maribis could systematically block energy production to pressure the officials into paying attention to their demands—a step that neither the government nor Yemen's transition can afford. While the government and its international partners remain preoccupied with the political transition, local grievances remain unaddressed and new ones are surfacing, further increasing the gap between the people and the state. The implications for the already fragile economy and the Yemeni government's legitimacy will be daunting.

Nadwa Al-Dawsari is a Yemeni conflict specialist and civil society activist.

Dispute Resolution and Justice Provision in Yemen's Transition

http://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/SR345_Dispute-Resolution-and-Justice-Provision-in-Yemen’s-Transition.pdfJustice Provision and Dispute Resolution in Yemen's Transition

Tribal leader handed over his son to authorities

On March 26, 2014, Numran Alqibli, one of the most prominent sheikh in Marib, handed over his son who was involved in an attempted kidnapping of a foreigner to security. Alqibli is from Murad tribe in Marib.

In memory of a tribal mediator

In memory of Shareif Salem, the mediator who died to stop a violent conflict

Nadwa Al-Dawsari 

April 30, 2009
 

On April 20, 2009, Shareif Salem Ben Saood, a prominent tribal leader from Mareb, was shot dead while trying to mediate a violent “tribal” conflict. The 53-year old man had been a full time arbitrator and mediator who devoted his life and eventually lost it to prevent and mitigate conflicts in tribal areas in Yemen, particularly in the Eastern governorates of Mareb, Al-Jawf and Shabwa.

The conflict in which at least 4 people died and another 13 were injured started when a tribesman was fired from an oil company more than a year ago. When his tribesmen thought he was unfairly let go, a series of incidents took place starting from appeal at relevant government authorities to bring him back to his job to seizing oil company’s trucks leading to the violent conflict in which Salem was killed.

I knew Shareif Salem back in 2007. As the founder and head of the Future Association for Development and Social Peace in Mareb and a member of a network of local NGOs in Mareb, Al-Jawf and Shabwa, Shareif Salem led an initiative to protect youth and education from conflict. Despite being an “illiterate” man, he believed in the importance of education as a key to development and to put an end to conflict. Salem was a very positive man “If this initiative works, and it will, this will be the beginning of the end of conflict”, he often said.

While Conflicts constitute one of the biggest challenges to development and stability, conflict itself is a manifestation of significant development and governance problems. Poverty, high unemployment, misallocation and mismanagement of resources and lack of basic services are all derivers of conflict. Unemployed youth who do not pay much respect to the tribal traditions commit things that escalate existing conflicts or even cause new ones.

I would like to argue that our bias and stereotyping prevent us from understanding the nature and the root causes of conflict and so we fail to design effective interventions to approach the problem. We often conceive tribesmen to be thugs and criminals who kill for revenge, block roads and kidnap foreigners to extract money and resources.

Conflict and lack of development will continue to reinforce each other as long as there are no serious efforts to break that cycle. Conflict leads to the closure and destruction of schools and health facilities and interruption of development projects. At the same time, planning and implementing development projects and services without understanding the sensitivities and nature of conflict and without involving the locals in the process ignite violent conflicts.  

With the weak presence of formal law enforcement institutions, leaders like Shareif Salem represent the traditional system which has so far maintained a reasonable level of stability and security in those areas. Efforts to address conflict in tribal areas need to bring development and services to those underdeveloped areas and need to make the process of development transparent, accountable and sensitive to conflicts. There needs to be programs which generate education and job opportunities for the youth. Along with that law enforcement institutions should be strengthened and traditional conflict prevention and resolution systems should be respected and integrated into the process.  Effort should engage leaders like Shareif Salem, governorate based NGOs and CBOs as well as youth and women. They are the people with the problem and they should be the owners of the solutions with our help. We should simply put out prejudices and conceptions aside…

Tribal Conflicts through the eyes of a Woman

A story of tribal conflict as told by a female Tribal leader

02.04.2008

Tribal conflicts constitute the biggest challenge not only to development and democracy but also to stability in Yemen. In the eastern governorate of Al-Jawf, conflict extends its damage to all aspects of life and has kept the governorate isolated from the rest of the country and deprived people there from basic development services and efforts until today[1]. Except for the main paved road that runs across main “towns” and the few cars driving on the road, everything else in the governorate takes you hundreds of years back in time.

One of the most violent and complicated conflicts in al-Jawf is the one between the Hamdan and Shulan tribes, a conflict that has been around for over 28 years and has claimed the lives of some 84 people including 5 women, in addition to hundreds of injured people[2]. The fact that the two sides of the conflicts are relatives adds another dimension to the conflict that might be perceived as positive but continued conflict escalation cycle does not seem to support this very perception.

There are different stories about the reasons that led to the conflict and the complexities that are involved in it. Some claim that the conflict was created to weaken the tribes and others claim that political parties played around it. Many, including the sheikhs of the two tribes have put their own analysis and calculations. However, the voice of women remained unheard. I decided to take a step and learn about the conflict from a woman’s perspective.

Sheikha Sayedah Al-Ghanimiyah is the widow of the grand sheikh Ali Mohammed Al-Ukaimi, the grand sheikh of the Shulan tribe. At the same time she is the sister of Abdullah Al-Eragi, grand sheikh of the Hamdan tribe. Sheikha Sayedah finds herself caught in  the 28-year old very complicated tribal conflict that involves her brothers as one party of the conflict and her sons as the other.

A very powerful and charismatic woman in the beginning of her 50s, Sayedah grew up a female tribal leader, a Sheikha, in her family. She got married to a Saudi tribal leader, sheikh, from the Yam tribe. She stayed with him for 5 months, and then ran back to her tribe, pregnant. Her family did not mind her decision. “It is very normal in al-Jawf. If a woman doesn’t want a man anymore, she can simply dump him”, said Sayedah. Her ex-husband brought big tribal leaders to her family in an attempt to bring her back to him but eventually Sayedah got her divorce. His son stayed with her until he was 7 before his father took him.

Four years later, Sayyedah got married to the grand sheikh of the Shulan tribe, Ali Al-Ukaimi who was married to 7 women before her including her cousin. Although it was not their first marriage, the marriage ceremony was very big. She was carried on a camel convoy to her new house. Although under Islamic law and tribal tradition Sheikh Ukaimi could have had other wives, as he had in the years preceding his marriage to Sayedah, she remained his only wife until he died. Sayeda clearly adored her late husband and speaks of his courage and wisdom with great passion. She gave him 8 children, 5 girls and 3 boys. Her relationship with her cousin, ex-wife of her late husband is wonderful. “We are sisters” says Sayedah who speaks very well of her husband’s children and regard them her own. 

Torn in a tribal conflict:

The current grand sheikh of Hamdan is the immediate uncle of the current grand sheikh of Shulan. Sayeda’s niece from Hamdan is married to Rabee, the brother of grand sheikh of Shulan. The sister of the current sheikh of Shulan is married to a sheikh from Hamdan. In total, four women from the Sheikh family of Shulan are married to the sheikh of Hamdan and his sons. Sayeda is not just an ordinary woman living under the conflict. Her brother represents the Hamdan side of the conflict and her son represents the Shulan side of it. Both are the sheikhs of the two conflicting tribes.

Fighting over land and land resources were identified in a recent research to be the main reason  for conflict. A less frequent but still important cause of inter-tribal conflict is competition over government services was also found to be an important reason behind tribal conflicts. Lack of proper planning and implementation of development services without consulting with locals or without sensitivity to tribal conflicts helped spark or create conflicts.[3]  In the case of the conflict between Shulan and Hamdan, the conflict started more than 28 years ago when the government suddenly decided to dig a well within Shulan’s territory and chose an engineer from Hamdan to carry out the job. The grand sheikh of Shulan then asked the Hamdan to stop the digging or to move it 20 meters towards Hamdan. The contracted company refused. The Ukaimis from Shulan then fired at the Hamdani’s to protect the sovereignty of their land.

Two prominent Sheikhs from a neighboring governorate intervened to resolve the conflict. “Shulan honored[4] the verdict but Hamdan didn’t”, said Sayedah. Her late husband managed to keep the conflict at a minimum level for 15 years. He started implementing the land demarcation according to the verdict of the Arbitrators but he died before the job was finished. War broke again. When his son took over, peace treaties were observed and renewed for 10 years until he died. War broke again. His brother Ameen Al-Ukaimi took over 4 years ago but since he took over the conflict has escalated and war broke for the third time.

Sayeda’s son-in-law whom she calls son, named Ameen, the sheikh of Shulan and her brother Abdullah the sheikh of Hamdan have been trying ever since to resolve the conflict and stop the blood shed. Efforts have ranged between involving prominent tribal leaders to calling upon the President to intervene personally. More than one time her son Ameen (Shulan) and his immediate cousin Hassan (Hamdan) traveled to Sanaa[5] and shared a room in the jail in a desperate attempt to find a solution[6]. Two years ago Hassan and Ameen were both in Jail and were both determined to not go back to their areas until the state finds a solution to the conflict. Hassan suddenly left the jail and was shot in Sanaa shortly after that. The situation then escalated further.

“They shot Hassan because they want to undermine Ameen. They want to divide the Eragi and the Ukaimis so that they can get rid of the two Sheikhs” said Sayedah who believes that the conflict involves more than a fight over land or resources. She believes that there are “hidden hands” from the outside working to break the bond between the two strong tribes. Sayedah suspects that political parties play the game. She also suspects that there are big sheikhs who are playing behind the scene to weaken those Eragis and the Ukaimis who want a resolution for the conflict. She believes that those who stir the conflict are young men (Jefareen) who “get paid to do the killings” in order to maintain the war.

Sayedah who very much admire the commitment of her son-in-law believes that the problem is in Hamdan’s lack of commitment and inability of her brother to get his people commit to resolving the conflict. When a committee of tribal leaders was send by the president to mediate in the conflict a year ago, Ameen Al-Ukaimi told them that he would go to even accepting or paying blood money if that would end the conflict[7]. Sayedah thinks that the problem lies in the fact that the grand sheikh of Hamdan could not control his minor sheikhs. “Shulan authorized their Sheikh Ameen Al-Ukaimi and committed to obeying/living up to his decision while Hamdan failed to do so with their Sheikh Abdullah Al-Eragi” she said.

Sayedah is the “peace bird”. As a woman she has access to both tribes[8]. Sometimes she managed to get the two sides to at least stop fighting with heavy weapons. But then she believes that the complexities of the conflict are bigger than her and her two families.” The Eragi’s and Ukaimi’s are one family but then the Jefareen get paid by some to keep the conflict going on”.

Sayedah showed me around in her house. From the roof of her house I took pictures of the house of her brother and of the clear marks of bombs and heavy fires on the walls of the house and surrounding area. “I am in continuous pain and worry. My nephews and sons want to kill each other. If my son leaves the house in the morning I don’t expect him to come back, I worry that my family would kill him. If my brothers leave the house I expect my sons to kill them. I was in Sanaa for medical check ups for 5 days. All the time I was worried that my sons would get killed by their uncles” said Sayeda. “When there is firing my daughters and I stay inside and cry. There is simply nothing that we can do”.  

Sayedah knows very well how to use guns. “But I would never use it against my brothers”, said Sayedah. But her daughter karamah who is a school principle in Aljawf happened to carry the gun and shoot at the Hamdanis to support her brothers.

Sayedah’s Proposal to end the conflict:

In a phone conversation with the President Sayedah urged him to interfere personally to resolve the conflict. She respects President Saleh but she thinks that he simply could not control the trouble-makers in the conflicting tribes. Sayedah’s supports the proposal put forward earlier by her husband. She says that the President should stop payment of government salaries to the people of the two tribes till they agree to stop the fighting. Then he himself should send a committee of arbitrators who would set up a tent in the area over which the two tribes are fighting. The committee then should give a 1/3 of the land to the Hamdanis and 1/3 to the Shulani’s and make the 1/3 in the middle a government property. The government then should invest in that land.

Sayedah as a public figure:

It is true that Sayedah’s life with her husband gave her wider influence and social prestige and that she recognizes that. However, Sayeda believes that she was born as a sheikhah and talks with pride about her tribe. “I was a sheikha since I was born. You Ukaimis did not make me one” she says to her daughter who was asking her when she married her father indicating that it was the time when she became a sheikha.  

Very active in public life, Sayedah is the head of the ruling party branch in the governorate. She is also the Chairwoman of the Women’s Union Branch there and also she also runs a local women’s NGO. She has a say and influence. In 2003 she mobilized voters to vote for her cousin who is a ruling party candidate in the Hamdan Parliamentary Constituency against the wish of her son Ameen, Sheikh of Shulan, who wanted her to mobilize Hamdanis to vote for his fellow opposition candidate there[9]. “Ameen stopped visiting me for a year after that incident” said Sayedah with a smile.

She is a business woman. She owns a farm and runs the farm business herself and spends all revenues on poor people in her community. There are two doors in her house, one for men and one for women. The doors are open all the time in case people need to come.  “It is my husband’s will that we don’t shut the doors in the face of the needy and guests”, she said. Even when there is no man in the house, Sayedah and her daughters do their “duty” towards guests and the needy.

“Everyone respects Sayyedah. She comes from a very respectable family. Unlike women in this region, Sayedah understands politics and social life issues” Said Sheikh Ali Alajji, a tribal leader from Hamdan.

Sayedah is a role model. Women in the tribe follow her steps. She was asked by her son[10] who is the Sheikh of the Shulan to wear black gown and the veil outside the house. When she did so, the rest of the women in the village did the same.

She believes that the tribal conflict affects most the lives of women and children. “there are 20 widows and many orphans in Hamdan and more in Shulan”, she said. Conflict hinders boys and girls education. Her own daughter could not attend to school for 2 years because of the conflict.

Sayeda’s believes that education and work are basic rights for women. Her daughters are all educated. One of them is a school principle. Another one is a teacher and the rest are still in high school. She always encourages her children not to have many kids in order to be able to raise them well.

A message from the Sheikhah under fire:

Sayedah lives in a house that lies under bombing with heavy weapons most of the nights. Marks of bombs and Bazookas are all over the house, some she renovated, some she turned into small windows and others remained as they are. From her roof in Shulan, I could clearly see the houses of her brothers and family in Hamdan and I could see the zone they are fighting over. “I don’t want money, I don’t want anything. I just want peace between my sons and my brothers”, she said.

[1] Forty night to 60 percent of the populations in the governorate are poor  according to Yemen Poverty Assessment, 2007. can be seen at  http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTYEMEN/Resources/310077-1197206771664/Volume_I_Main_Report.pdf

[2] An interview with Ameen Al-Ukaimi, grand sheikh of Shulan in alwasat newspaper

[3] NDI, 2007

[4] To honor the verdict means to accept it and show commitment to implement it.

[5] Sanaa is the capital of YEMEN.

[6] It has been a tradition the government uses with tribes that it put the sheikhs of conflicting tribes in the jail to force them to stop fighting and commit to arbitration. In the case of this conflict, the Sheikhs themselves requested that they stay in jail until the president does a serious business to end the conflict.

[7] According to tribal culture, it is a big shame to take blood money from the perpetrator or his tribe. Ukaimi’s willingness to do that demonstrates his desperation to end the conflict even at the expense of violating such a cultural rule.

[8] According to tribal culture women and children and old people have access to any place during wars. Killing a woman even by mistake is considered a black shame and takes heavy penalties that can reach 44 folds of blood money of a man.

[9] GPC is the ruling party in Yemen and Islah is the Islamist and biggest opposition party. Shulan and Hamdan have different parliamentary constituencies.

[10] He is the son-in-law to Sayedah but she likes to call him my son.